Ghana needs homegrown email systems to protect citizen data from US surveillance, says policy expert

Ghana faces a fundamental choice about digital sovereignty: either build independent email and data services, or accept that personal information stored on foreign platforms remains accessible to US authorities. This stark assessment came from Bright Simons, Vice-President and Head of Research at IMANI Centre for Policy and Education, speaking at Joy News' Digital Economy Forum on Wednesday.

Simons highlighted a rarely discussed dimension of Ghana's reliance on American technology giants. Users believing their communications on Gmail and similar platforms to be private are, in effect, granting the US government visibility into their correspondence. For a nation concerned with data protection and digital autonomy, this represents both a security and sovereignty issue that cannot be solved through policy alone—only through infrastructure investment.

Building local capacity over restrictive regulation

Simons' call for homegrown digital infrastructure sits within a broader argument about how Ghana's government should approach technology policy. Rather than imposing heavy-handed regulations that stifle innovation, Simons urged policymakers to remove barriers preventing ordinary Ghanaians from participating in the digital economy.

His evidence comes from real-world adoption patterns. Ride-hailing and delivery platforms like Uber and Bolt have created opportunities for thousands of Ghanaians who taught themselves practical digital skills—navigation, mapping, geolocation—without formal training or government endorsement. Similarly, millions use WhatsApp daily and YouTube creators have built audiences and income streams independently. Government did not teach these skills; ordinary people learned through necessity and experimentation.

Yet policy decisions often work against this organic innovation. Simons recalled opposing licensing schemes and local government obligations imposed on ride-hailing services, arguing such requirements create friction without clear public benefit. He also referenced public backlash when authorities proposed licensing requirements for software developers—a sign that citizens recognise when regulation becomes an obstacle rather than a safeguard.

Why it matters for Ghana

The data sovereignty question carries real implications for Ghana. As government services, businesses, and individuals move online, the question of who controls that data becomes critical. Reliance on US-based email and cloud services means Ghanaian government communications, business secrets, and personal information exist in jurisdictions where American law enforcement can compel disclosure.

This is not theoretical. The US Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) and related legislation grant broad powers to access data held by US companies, regardless of where the data originates or whom it concerns. For a developing nation already navigating complex geopolitical relationships, this represents a genuine vulnerability.

Simons' prescription—building Ghana's own email and data infrastructure—would require significant investment in technology talent, secure server architecture, and regulatory frameworks. It would also demand that government and private sector treat digital infrastructure as strategic, comparable to electricity or telecommunications networks.

Equally important is his secondary argument: that Ghana's digital economy grows fastest when government removes barriers rather than erecting new ones. Developers, creators, and entrepreneurs are Ghana's natural resources in the digital age. Policy should protect that potential rather than burden it with compliance costs designed for large multinational companies.

The challenge facing policymakers is integrating both imperatives—building sovereign digital infrastructure whilst maintaining the regulatory lightness that enables grassroots innovation. Neither goal is achievable through rhetoric alone; both require sustained investment, technical capacity, and political will.